Behind the PUBLICATION OF AN AFRICAN BIBLE is a woman *plural*. If you opened the first pages of the African Bible, you will agree with me that there is nothing as humbling as encountering a woman of great faith and work like Sr. Teresa Marcazzan of the Daughters of St. Paul (well known for Paulines Publications and Catholic Bookshops). Sr. Teresa, now 75 is currently the Director of Pauline’s Publication Africa. She has worked in Africa for more than 42 years.
Saturday, March 19, 2016
Tuesday, March 8, 2016
Monday, March 7, 2016
A Book Review: A History of Opposition in Zambia.
Miles Larmer. 2011. Rethinking African Politics: A History of Opposition in Zambia. Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company. xvii, 321 pp.
History is there to refine our conception of reality. Today’s Zambian political atmosphere is overwhelmed by persuasions of the people associated with Barosteland in the Western province to secede from Zambia in order to regain political and economic autonomy. The Barosteland Agreement of 1964 on which the unitary state Zambia was build was abrogated in 1965 during the Constitutional Amendment. Reluctance by government to re-instate it led activists in Mongu district on January 14, 2011 to a bloodshed riot. In the context of such experiences, Miles Larmer’s critical study of the realities of late-colonial and post-colonial Zambia becomes relevant. Larmer challenges the idea that there was a certain homogenous orientation towards nation building in Zambia. Utilizing archival records of the United National Independence Party (UNIP) Archives, the National Archives of Zambia, and interviews with surviving participants Lamer displays an appealing perspective of conceptualizing Zambian political history within African post-colonial politics. His work is substantiated by a critical examination of available historical accounts. In the introductory notes, Larmer identifies the previous narratives’ alignment with ideologies of nationalism, developmentalism, and modernization at the expense of recognizing internal differences as limitations. Chapter one develops further the view that embraces heterogeneity and divisions. He shows how ethnicity, class divisions, and differences in ideologies marked political orientations in the run-up to independence and how these differences were reflected within UNIP. For example, Larmer discusses how the ANC, UNIP and other breakaway parties were regionally constructed, how each ethnic region identified its specific leader, and how each leader differed. Simon Kapwepwe sought to reconcile modernist nationalist’s policies with enduring respect for Bemba cultural heritage. Harry Nkumbula, from the stronghold of Southern Province, sought to mobilize direct African action against federation through trade unions. Kenneth Kaunda, the UNIP president since 1959 had a non-aggressive approach; his authority was at times questionable; much of his authority and position rested in external endorsement. Kaunda’s questionable ethnic background allowed him to emerge as the first President of Zambia. However, Larmer shows that UNIP and indeed Kaunda did not remain in power as a coherent product of people’s aspirations for national identity but through successive repression of political opponents. Following the abrogation of the Barosteland Agreement UNIP lost popularity in the Western Province (pp. 55-56). Discontented freedom fighters, killings at Lumpa Church, banning of chitemene system of farming, and increased taxation caused UNIP to lose support in the Northern Province and Copperbelt. Chapters two and three develop an intriguing story on the discontentment of 1970s, showing how the banned ANC and the UPP supporters found expression within the one party system. Their rejoining of UNIP brought about internal divisions; to stop such Kaunda introduced national, provincial, and district security committees (p. 99). In chapter four Larmer continues showing how the unhappiness led the rural rebels under Mushala to seek military means of overthrowing the government. Mushala, a sidelined freedom fighter acting as voice of the neglected people of North Western Province, opposed Kaunda’s one-party state but without a well thought-out plan. He was killed in 1982. Chapter five concerns the educated minority Zambians; they too were critical during the economic decline and illegitimate leadership, and they saw the regional liberation movements as draining the country’s economy. With figures like Valentines Musakanya they organized a coup plot in 1980, which eventually failed. In chapter six, Larmer turn to the relationship of Zambia with South African apartheid and locates the flow of his account in the context of the liberation movements that existed in Zambia. In chapter seven, he tells us how anti-colonial social movements effectively worked in post-colonial political transitions. He includes the contributions made by the Catholic Church, Watchtower, Alice Lenshina’s Lumpa Church, and the Protestants and events leading to MMD’s economic liberal strategy. The epilogue gives snippets to the subsequent events. The conclusion projects Zambian “history of opposition” on Africa. This book certainly corrects many distortions in Zambia with few notable limitations. Larmer’s interviews seem to marginalize prominent female figures and Kenneth Kaunda. It manifests a certain bias to “supernatural” stories; for instance, Larmer cites a single witness to Mushala’s reliance on magical powers (p. 152). Similarly, such stories associated with Alice Lenshina activities are overlooked. Finally, church related documents are missing in chapter seven. This book is highly recommended to those with political ambitions and interests, to educators, to clergy members, and to all Zambian citizens. (Stayer) Brian Nonde
History is there to refine our conception of reality. Today’s Zambian political atmosphere is overwhelmed by persuasions of the people associated with Barosteland in the Western province to secede from Zambia in order to regain political and economic autonomy. The Barosteland Agreement of 1964 on which the unitary state Zambia was build was abrogated in 1965 during the Constitutional Amendment. Reluctance by government to re-instate it led activists in Mongu district on January 14, 2011 to a bloodshed riot. In the context of such experiences, Miles Larmer’s critical study of the realities of late-colonial and post-colonial Zambia becomes relevant. Larmer challenges the idea that there was a certain homogenous orientation towards nation building in Zambia. Utilizing archival records of the United National Independence Party (UNIP) Archives, the National Archives of Zambia, and interviews with surviving participants Lamer displays an appealing perspective of conceptualizing Zambian political history within African post-colonial politics. His work is substantiated by a critical examination of available historical accounts. In the introductory notes, Larmer identifies the previous narratives’ alignment with ideologies of nationalism, developmentalism, and modernization at the expense of recognizing internal differences as limitations. Chapter one develops further the view that embraces heterogeneity and divisions. He shows how ethnicity, class divisions, and differences in ideologies marked political orientations in the run-up to independence and how these differences were reflected within UNIP. For example, Larmer discusses how the ANC, UNIP and other breakaway parties were regionally constructed, how each ethnic region identified its specific leader, and how each leader differed. Simon Kapwepwe sought to reconcile modernist nationalist’s policies with enduring respect for Bemba cultural heritage. Harry Nkumbula, from the stronghold of Southern Province, sought to mobilize direct African action against federation through trade unions. Kenneth Kaunda, the UNIP president since 1959 had a non-aggressive approach; his authority was at times questionable; much of his authority and position rested in external endorsement. Kaunda’s questionable ethnic background allowed him to emerge as the first President of Zambia. However, Larmer shows that UNIP and indeed Kaunda did not remain in power as a coherent product of people’s aspirations for national identity but through successive repression of political opponents. Following the abrogation of the Barosteland Agreement UNIP lost popularity in the Western Province (pp. 55-56). Discontented freedom fighters, killings at Lumpa Church, banning of chitemene system of farming, and increased taxation caused UNIP to lose support in the Northern Province and Copperbelt. Chapters two and three develop an intriguing story on the discontentment of 1970s, showing how the banned ANC and the UPP supporters found expression within the one party system. Their rejoining of UNIP brought about internal divisions; to stop such Kaunda introduced national, provincial, and district security committees (p. 99). In chapter four Larmer continues showing how the unhappiness led the rural rebels under Mushala to seek military means of overthrowing the government. Mushala, a sidelined freedom fighter acting as voice of the neglected people of North Western Province, opposed Kaunda’s one-party state but without a well thought-out plan. He was killed in 1982. Chapter five concerns the educated minority Zambians; they too were critical during the economic decline and illegitimate leadership, and they saw the regional liberation movements as draining the country’s economy. With figures like Valentines Musakanya they organized a coup plot in 1980, which eventually failed. In chapter six, Larmer turn to the relationship of Zambia with South African apartheid and locates the flow of his account in the context of the liberation movements that existed in Zambia. In chapter seven, he tells us how anti-colonial social movements effectively worked in post-colonial political transitions. He includes the contributions made by the Catholic Church, Watchtower, Alice Lenshina’s Lumpa Church, and the Protestants and events leading to MMD’s economic liberal strategy. The epilogue gives snippets to the subsequent events. The conclusion projects Zambian “history of opposition” on Africa. This book certainly corrects many distortions in Zambia with few notable limitations. Larmer’s interviews seem to marginalize prominent female figures and Kenneth Kaunda. It manifests a certain bias to “supernatural” stories; for instance, Larmer cites a single witness to Mushala’s reliance on magical powers (p. 152). Similarly, such stories associated with Alice Lenshina activities are overlooked. Finally, church related documents are missing in chapter seven. This book is highly recommended to those with political ambitions and interests, to educators, to clergy members, and to all Zambian citizens. (Stayer) Brian Nonde
Saturday, March 5, 2016
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